The Russian-Ukrainian war, caused by the Russian aggression against Ukraine, the occupation of Crimea and parts of Donbas, attempted annexation of the ARC and the city of Sevastopol, continues for the seventh year. All these years, the Armed Forces of Ukraine at the front line, and Ukrainian diplomacy on international diplomatic platforms have been heroically, highly professionally and successfully resisting the superior forces of the enemy, which poses the second largest nuclear military arsenal and is the second conventional force in the world.
Для гармонійного поступального розвитку України необхідно остаточно вирішити питання нашої культурної ідентичности. Без цього всі інші державні дії будуть неефективними, оскільки всередині суспільства зберігатиметься, а ззовні підживлюватиметься постійна напруга. Ця ідентичність, як не крути, передусім упирається в питання історії та мови.
Проаналізуймо мовне питання. Багато списів зламано навколо цієї проблеми, багато спекуляцій нагромаджено. Когорту опонентів можна умовно розділити на три великі групи. Перша обстоює повернення до деколоніального стану, тобто коли українська мова вільно функціонувала на всій території України і не була загрожена ніякою іншою мовою. Друга пропонує відштовхуватися від нинішнього статус-кво, тобто затвердити де-юре українсько-російську двомовність, а також, в дусі європейських цінностей мультикультуралізму, захищати права усіх національних меншин. Третя група здогадується, що другою державною російську мову робити, мабуть, не годиться, усвідомлює важливість підтримки української мови, але сама продовжує розмовляти російською (бо так зручно) і пропонує взагалі не перейматися цим питанням; якось воно буде…
Ukrainian - Georgian relations have always historically been distinguished by mutual sympathy and respect. Moreover, there is a particular spirituality in these relations, manifested in many dimensions and impressively embodyed in the works of the classics of Ukrainian and Georgian poetry Lesya Ukrainka and David Guramishvili.
Later, sandwiched in the shackles of the Russian and then the Soviet empire, the two nations always treated each other with special warmth. For example, Ukrainians always cheered “Dynamo” Tbilisi football club, unless, of course, the team met with the Ukrainian club; “Dynamo” Kyiv team also enjoyed the same attitude from Georgian fans.
In the current crisis, with WHO announcing the global pandemic of the COVID-2019 viral infection, many thousands of people dying from the virus in many countries around the world, it is important to ask a few questions and analyze what is happening.
It is important to find answers, even in the form of versions and possible scripts, especially since all the answers are already in the open-source.
The resignation of the Government of Dmitry Medvedev did not make any surprise. According to a rather diplomatic assessment of the famous political analyst Anatoly Wasserman, “The economic theory used by the economic bloc of the government of the Russian Federation is fundamentally unfunctional” [1].
Incompetence, corruption, lack of strategic vision, absence of structural reforms, domination of state monopolies, imbalances in regional development, damaging of the federalism principles – these are, to name a few, problems Russian economy is faced with. In addition, ongoing, and in some components, toughening international sanctions led to economic recession, increased poverty, demographic crisis, environmental collapse, etc. Maybe the last straw on camel’s back was the latest study of the Accounting Chamber on environmental issues, which explicitly reveals impending collapse. “The environmental situation in Russia remains dysfunctional and continues to deteriorate: accumulated problems and climate change can lead to the 30% GDP decrease in the next 10 years,” claims the Accounts Chamber report on the “Ecology” National Project [2].
Introduction
An important place in the complex of measures aimed at counteracting aggression is the ability to bring the aggressor to legal liability. Legal measures to counteract aggression are as important as measures of a military, economic, diplomatic nature both at the national legislative level and internationally.
Ukraine remains the object of military aggression on the part of the Russian Federation, which engages in aggression through large-scale terrorist attacks. Under concerted diplomatic efforts in Geneva, Normandy and other formats, Russia does not fulfill its obligations to respect universally accepted norms of international law.
Hungary's coordinated anti-Ukrainian policy reveals the true essence of the ruling in that country regime of V. Orban — the main conductor of Russian interests in Central and Eastern Europe. Last week, Hungary once again confirmed this, having blocked the NATO's special meeting on Ukraine, which was scheduled for October 3-4, 2018. At this, Budapest once again made far-fetched accusations against Ukraine about the alleged violation of the rights of the Hungarian minority on its territory.
From 2014 to the present day the Russian Federation is conducting an aggressive military, information, diplomatic, and economic war against Ukraine. For Ukraine, but not only for her, but also for any civilized state that professes democratic European values and values of the supreme law it is important not only stopping agression from the occupier, but also bring him to international legal responsibility. However, the procedure for bringing an aggressor state to responsibility is much more complicated than the case, for example, in claims against individuals. In addition, it is very difficult to implement the decision of the international judicial body in case of winning the case.
On December 5, 1994, the leaders of the United States, the Great Britain, Russia and Ukraine (B.Clinton, J.Major, B.Yeltsin and L.Kuchma) concluded the Budapest Memorandum «On security guarantees in connection with the accession of Ukraine to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT, 1968)». Two other nuclear states and the UN Security Council permanent members - China and France - formally expressed similar guarantees to Ukraine in the form of relevant statements (Statement of the Government of China of 04.12.1994 and the Declaration of France with the accompanying letter of President F.Mitteran of 05.12.1994), although formally not signed the Memorandum. The main difference between these two statements and the content of the Memorandum is the absence of the paragraph on compulsory consultation in case of situations that affect the issues of these obligations. Ukraine, for its part, undertook to withdraw all nuclear weapons from the territory of the country, at that time the third largest nuclear arsenal in the world. Note that tactical nuclear weapons were withdrawn from Ukraine in 1992, and the entire nuclear disarmament process was completed in 1996. The last stationary silo launcher of intercontinental ballistic missiles RS-22 (SS-24) was destroyed in Ukraine in 2001.